Sand and fury: Mali's Tuareg rebels

 
Sahara Desert, Mali In the vast emptiness of the Sahara, an obscure war is underway

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How much more obscure can a war get?

Deep in the Sahara desert, in the vast emptiness of northern Mali, several hundred rebel fighters have overrun, and outmanoeuvred a small number of army garrisons.

So what, you might ask?

So a lot.

The humanitarian impact of the conflict is already being felt not just in Mali, but in neighbouring Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Niger, as tens of thousands of civilians - many are nomads, but that's beside the point - flee the fast spreading insecurity that has erupted close to Mali's borders.

The refugees are putting extra pressure on communities already struggling with high malnutrition rates and the likelihood of a devastating "hunger season" in the coming months.

As for the Tuareg rebellion itself - it has evolved into more than a purely local quarrel.

Its latest eruption is a direct consequence of last year's events in Libya. Some Tuareg tribesmen fought alongside Muammar Gaddafi's troops. Others may have fought with the opposition.

Start Quote

Why do we need to fight for independence? We already own the desert”

End Quote Tuareg in Timbuktu

They have since returned home, armed to the teeth with looted weapons, and seemingly determined to transform a half-hearted rebel movement into a serious - if probably unrealistic - drive for an independent Tuareg state, which they call Azawad.

The rebels are a coalition of different factions and agendas united under a new name - the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA). In a complex environment, the catalytic factor appears to be the arrival of so much new weaponry from Libya.

"Why do we need to fight for independence? We already own the desert," a Tuareg friend of mine in Timbuktu grumbled down the phone this week.

It is not clear yet how much popular support the rebellion enjoys.

But the Sahara is not what it used to be. As the world has found quicker, cheaper ways to move goods around the continent, the Tuareg and their increasingly redundant camel trains have been left to survive on the dregs - gun-running, drug smuggling, and ferrying would-be immigrants north towards Europe.

Malian refugees at a camp in Chinegodar, western Niger, close to the Malian border, on 4 February 2012 The fighting has forced many thousands from their homes

And now even the tourist trade has been taken from them. Al-Qaeda's local affiliate (Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb; AQIM) has found that the desert makes a convenient place to hide and to raise money.

The extent and nature of AQIM's links to the MNLA is hotly disputed - some Tuareg groups appear to be close, financially if not ideologically, to the Islamist militants.

But al-Qaeda's presence and its growing appetite for kidnapping foreigners for ransom have left the region even more isolated.

AQIM's influence can now be seen in Algeria, Mauritania, Niger and Nigeria.

As for Mali itself, the rebellion is aggravating old tensions between northerners and southerners to potentially explosive levels.

The army's military failures against the MNLA rebels could also have serious political repercussions, not least on the upcoming presidential election, scheduled for next month.

President Amadou Toumani Toure insists he will still step down as planned, but analysts and diplomats are quietly starting to wonder whether the generals will allow him his dignified departure at such a precarious moment.

Foreign interest in Mali's future extends far beyond the crackdown on terrorism and smuggling in the Sahara, with rich gold, oil and uranium deposits at stake.

 
Andrew Harding, Africa correspondent Article written by Andrew Harding Andrew Harding Africa correspondent

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  • rate this
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    Comment number 10.

    @ WoeIsMe. The desire for Touareg autonomy is a long-standing issue. Unfortunately, Home Office warnings have dissuaded people from travelling to Mali. I was in the north 2 years ago and never once feared for my safety. It's a subtle but effective way of doing people out of legitimate income via the tourist industry & disenfranchises the community, leaving them in poverty & unable to progress.

  • rate this
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    Comment number 9.

    Other issues include the fact that some among the Tuareg (as with the southerners) see opportunities for personal gain, etc., that make renewing conflict an attractive option. The presence of AQIM will only make this worse.

  • rate this
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    Comment number 8.

    Just to note: the instability in the North and disenfranchisement of Tuareg communities is a very old issue, as #s 4/5 said. It has been considered unsafe for foreigners to travel even to Timbuktu for several years now. Part of the problem is that there is not strong leadership among the Tuareg who can make a definitive list of action points to ensure long term satisfaction.

  • rate this
    +2

    Comment number 7.

    @ Mr Harding - thank you for your reply. I understand that space is limited in articles such as yours, but it is important not to generalise to the point where a people are covered under a blanket description. I do commend you though for drawing attention to a serious issue which has not been widely reported. The conflict has been ongoing since Jan '12, with terrible humanitarian consequences.

  • rate this
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    Comment number 6.

    marjfc - i've heard some alarming reports about the mali airforce's bombing campaign, and possible use of helicopter gunships. i didn't mean to besmirch Touaregs but simply to sketch out some of the challenges facing them.

  • rate this
    +1

    Comment number 5.

    The article does not go deep enough into this problem. There is no mention of the Malian army's (verified) bombing of civilian Touareg camps. The statement claiming Touaregs must be drug runners etc to survive is misleading and damning to an entire nation of people who live in poverty but who have a proud heritage they wouldn't besmirch with such actions. Bad apples there may be, but not everyone.

  • rate this
    +1

    Comment number 4.

    The Tuareg's like the Berbers, Assyrians, Copts and the Kurds are one of the Maghreb/Middle East's 'forgotten peoples'. We set up 'Arab' states across the region but took absolutely no account of the other indigenes of the region. De-colonisation was a process that has cost many lives because it took no account of ethnic groups - Africa was the worst example.

  • rate this
    +1

    Comment number 3.

    Well-armed, these ex-"Libyans" came home, proposing an armed movement. Touré sent his foreign minister to Algiers to seek a mediation, but meanwhile battles raged in the north of Mali. Positions quickly hardened as hardliners in the army insisted on crushing rebellion while anti-Tuareg sentiment spread among tribes, such as the Songhai, who traditionally lived in proximity to the Tuareg.

  • rate this
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    Comment number 2.

    Under regime established in early 1990s, leadership of a former general, Amadou Toumani Touré, there have been efforts at reconciliation. Amadou is popular in Mali, but he is accused on one side of being too nice to Tuareg & on other (by the Tuareg themselves, or those claiming to speak for them) of not doing enough for Saharan North which they view as their historic homeland, or Azawad.

  • rate this
    0

    Comment number 1.

    Libya War: Tuareg had been serving in Gaddafi military & security agencies for many years. At the same time, countries like Mali & Niger benefited from Gaddafi economic aid (not only investments but schools, infrastructure). Uganda was another. Western powers did not foresee, or did not care, full consequences of Gaddafi removal.

 

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