Archives for May 2009

My colleague Jonny Dymond has left the office for a month with a lot of wires and a long-suffering producer, but that does not mean he is ever far from my heart, or indeed my inbox and he e-mailed me this extract from David Cameron's speech the other day:

"We will therefore hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, pass a law requiring a referendum to approve any further transfers of power to the EU, negotiate the return of powers, and require far more detailed scrutiny in Parliament of EU legislation, regulation and spending."

"Is this a big shift of policy?" the eagle-eyed trans-European traveller wondered. After all, up until now the Conservatives have only suggested there would be a referendum if Ireland voted "no" (or the Czechs or Germans failed to complete ratification). To hold one regardless would be new, and big.

But I was wary, simply because I had recently wasted a Saturday morning writing an excited blog a few weeks ago based on a news release from William Hague's office, saying much the same thing. When I read the full speech, caveats and all, I had to bin the blog. So I duly read Mr Cameron's pronouncement in full. There are no qualifications.

The Conservatives' press office says there has been no change of policy. I wanted a bit more than that, but three phone calls and 24 hours later I haven't had a reply. It seems a casual way to announce a major policy shift.

But surely in a speech which was about the importance of honesty and transparency for politicians, Mr Cameron would not have been less than straightforward? Whether he meant it or not it is now on the record: in government the Conservatives will hold a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, no ifs, no buts.

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Why bother to vote if you think it doesn't change anything, and politicians are all a bunch of liars? That seems to be the conclusion, depressing for politicians at least, of a survey of European countries ahead of the elections to the European Parliament.

The German-based Foundation for Future Studies (curiously funded by British American Tobacco) has come up with an interesting opinion poll after speaking to 10,000 people in eight of the EU countries.

Asked why the turnout in elections was going down, 60% of those questioned said people thought election promises were not kept (63% in the UK), 49% that numbers bothering to vote had decreased because people felt their vote didn't influence anything (54% UK) and 57% because of general dissatisfaction with politicians and political parties (63% UK).

The interviews were conducted in March, so the greater than average British cynicism cannot be laid at the door of the duck house (MPs' expenses). The question is a little odd, asking people to second-guess the reasoning of others. They were asked their view of why turnout has gone down, rather than their own reasons for voting or not voting. In theory one could be part of the 60% while firmly believing all politicians kept all their election promises.

Still, it's interesting to note that in Spain and Italy, where turnout is higher, there appears to be greater faith in the system and in politicians. There's least in Poland and Finland. Chuck in the UK and it may say more about a characteristic of north European pessimism, rather than southern probity or effectiveness.

And hands up who loves liberty? Ah yes, it goes with equality and fraternity doesn't it? Three-quarters of French agree "the freedom of the individual citizen must be maintained under all circumstances - so long as this does not have a negative effect on any other citizen". Only a third of Brits agreed with this heavily qualified assertion that freedom is, on the whole, a good thing.

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The socialists have given notice that Jose Manuel Barroso, the current Commission president, will not hold onto Brussels' top job without something of a struggle.

The socialists' president in the European Parliament, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen - himself a likely contender for the job if it was in the gift of the Left - has signalled in a blog that Mr Barroso shouldn't consider it in the bag.

During this election period I find myself repeatedly trying to explain how and if these elections matter. This is but one illustration of how they do have a real impact. Just not a straightforward, simple-to-understand one.

In essence Mr Rasmussen admits that the Christian Democrats, the EPP, may well remain the biggest party grouping when the elections are over. But he's pointing out that these supporters of Mr Barroso won't have an absolute majority, and a combination of greens, liberals, the new British conservative group and his socialists could push an alternative candidate. Rather generously he offers not himself but the former Prime Minister of Belgium, Guy Verhofstadt, who is a liberal - and confusingly a candidate in the elections to the European Parliament.

Of course, the decision is not up to the parliament, but the 27 presidents and prime ministers of the EU: although I suspect it boils down to five or six of them and the rest will go along.

Opinions are sharply divided about Mr Barroso, although I am unsure how his critics expect him to be bolder and braver without the support of major governments. Brussels is not the place for dead heroes but achievable compromise.

Gordon Brown supports Mr Barroso, rather to the annoyance of other socialists. But Nicolas Sarkozy has fired a warning shot across the current Commissions president's bows, suggesting that a deal cannot be done at the planned summit in June. What would you like a new Commission president to do?

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FREIBURG, Germany:

It's possibly my imagination, but the air here seems to taste cleaner. This pretty city nestling between the green hills of the Black Forest definitely does sound different. You can hear birdsong and the skittery clatter of bikes on cobblestones. The noise of a delivery lorry pulling up outside the rather magnificent town hall is a startling intrusion.

What is missing is the constant low thrum of traffic in the background. It's not that cars are completely banned from the city, but most of the centre, rather than the odd street, is a pedestrian zone. You pedal or walk to trams or trains. Freiburg can lay claim to being the greenest city in the world, and it's all rather pleasant.

But it is a political act. The city is the largest in Germany where the Green Party are in power. The Greens currently have 43 members of the European Parliament, two of them from Britain, and feel somewhat under pressure with so many other politicians putting the environment near the top of their priorities.

If Greens ruled what would the Green World look like: Freiburg or the more radical vision of the English and Welsh Green party?

Freiburg is not just about cutting the use of cars. It likes to be known as "Solar City". The town hall and the football stadium, swimming pools and the station boast mirrors to create solar power. New houses have to consume a third less energy than German law requires.

Green politicians are in charge and the deputy mayor, Gerda Stuchlick, says: " There are clear consequences. We've reduced CO2 by 40% and we have 10% renewable energy. What's unique is we have institutions, policy and the will of the people coming together."

And she's not worried that other parties have been going green.

"No,no we are really happy that other parties take on board climate change. We actually welcome that other parties have green policies and here all the parties have tried to work with each other. And of course it is all good to have green policies on a local level, but I'd like to see changes happening in European policy. It's very important for instance you have unified green policies, like standards for refrigerators at a European level."

In one suburb that's home to 5,000 people, Vauban, they take things further. The flats are overflowing with quite literal greenness, vegetation tumbling down their outside, and they are green inside as well - low-energy housing.

Cars aren't banned even here, but there is little space for them. The wide roads are clearly made for trams and bikes and people.

Martin Kummrow moved here from Berlin so he could live the green life. If he wants to drive somewhere he just has to register that he wants to use a pool car and an electronic swipe car lets him in.

He says this is politics working. "It's been a full, complete success. Most people are happy with the things realised here. It's a paradise for the children."

But it's also very pragmatic, almost unpolitical, in that it doesn't seem that contentious. In Britain there are no Green MPs, or Greens in charge of big cities. But the English and Welsh Green Party does have a very radical manifesto.

Whereas most economists and politicians fret about the drop of economic growth in the recession they question traditional targets like GDP, and would like growth reduced to zero. They would encourage part-time, rather than full-time work, preferably done at a household level.

They would rein in lending by banks, which would be placed under local democratic control, and the pound could be replaced in part by local currencies.

Green MEP Jean Lambert says: "The Green Party has always felt we are very limited in the way we look at our economy and that we always look at economic growth as the only measure you can have. It says nothing about the quality of what's going on in your economy; it simply says how much.

"The Greens have always argued you need a range of indicators so you can measure things like jobs and resource efficiency. Then you get a much clearer picture of your economy, rather than this growth obsession, which at the end of the day means you are using up the planet's resources very quickly, with no real thought for tomorrow."

In Freiburg much more modest changes than called for in this manifesto have taken time. I don't think it's too fanciful to feel it is an example of a very deep political culture. "In Freiburg city, it's clean and pretty," a poet wrote more than 200 years ago.

One charming feature of the city is the channels of fresh clean water running beside the pavements. They are meant to cool the air and their pleasant gurgle echoes a forest stream. They are most definitely not gutters: they've existed since the Middle Ages, and even then you could be fined for polluting them with waste.

When I asked the deputy mayor about the zero growth policy she looked shocked and didn't know what I was talking about. Martin does. He says out of power people tend to scream about what they want.

"What should we demand and what should we say to the people when there are elections, what should be promised? This fighting takes place in the Green Party too. Greens are more practical in power, but others are still idealistic and say what they want to happen."

Light green, dark green, red green, green with envy or green meaning "naive" - what's your take on it?

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"Not Berlin! I want to avoid Berlin!" I hissed at my producer, who was on the phone to a colleague in the German capital, arranging a piece for later this week on the Greens' impact or otherwise on national and European politics.

This was not out of personal aversion towards Berlin: indeed it is probably my favourite European capital, at least of those unblessed by sunshine and the spirit of the South. It is stimulating, moving and lively. It is just that as a reporter I like to get outside the capital cities whenever possible.

There are many reasons why it is not always possible. They are where you find the main politicians, academics and think-tanks clustered together. It costs more and takes more time to get out of the big city.

But capitals don't reflect the whole country. Perhaps nowhere does, but you can get a seriously distorted view by sticking to a capital. Paris, London and Berlin are, for different reasons, nothing like their nations. Madrid and Rome have a slightly better claim to reflect their countries, but not much.

Perhaps smaller countries' capitals are closer to the national sense of place. I realise none of these reflections are particularly profound, but the reason I am writing about it at all is that I want to hear your opinion. I was musing on which capitals are least and most like their nations, and whether the differences are good, bad, or just inevitable, and realised I needed your input. So what do you think?

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ROSSENDALE, Lancashire, UK:

"Ideal for parties," says the banner outside the venue for the launch of the Conservatives' European election campaign. The atmosphere in these elections is anything but ideal for the big Westminster parties, mired in the mud of what in my days on the parliamentary beat we used to call sleaze. David Cameron tells the audience that "trust in politicians is shot".

The gimmick is that the candidates all have to get up and dutifully sign the pledge. Not a promise to give up the demon drink, but a promise to publish their expenses online. They sign up under the watchful eye of Mr Cameron, who gives off the air of a subaltern hoping the grizzled old guard will do the decent thing.

I take it the reason Mr Cameron has come to St Mary's Chambers (also ideal for weddings and celebrations, according to other banners) is because the North-West of England is a really important battleground, with the British National Party (BNP) possibly poised to take their first ever seat in a national election, slugging it out with not only the big three but UKIP and the Greens as well.

The European bit of the European launch is decidedly muted. His call for a general election, ten times more necessary than before, he says, will get the headlines and there's little or nothing new in the manifesto.

The Conservatives, like most of the other parties, don't particularly want to talk about Europe in these European elections. Some think this is because "Europe" reminds voters of the Tory civil war that raged from Mrs Thatcher's Bruges speech to the defeat of John Major at the polls, when the pro-Europeans finally lost their positions of power in the party.

Maybe it's a consideration. But I think it's mainly because of the risk of getting bogged down in complex "what if?" questions about their policy, whereas calling for an election is easy. Which is a shame, because the Conservatives' ideas on Europe, even if not new, are worthy of attention.

Above Mr Cameron's head, as he enters the building, flutter the Union Jack, the Stars and Stripes and the flags of Canada and Japan. His ideas for linking up with different countries in the parliament are not that radical, but they would make a splash.

Other policies would also feel pretty dramatic if Mr Cameron was in Downing Street, at least to those sitting in other European capitals. A referendum on Lisbon if the treaty is not fully ratified. A promise not to let matters rest if it is. A promise to negotiate a looser relationship with the EU. A promise that there'll be a law ensuring no new powers go to the EU level without a referendum. (Would this include, say, the treaty to allow Croatia to join?)

But there's also a fair amount of hot air. Take the promise in the manifesto that Conservative MEPs will force a vote to do away with the second parliament in Strasbourg. If Mr Cameron doesn't know, someone should tell him that the decision is nothing to do with the parliament itself. It is up to national leaders.

If Mr Cameron became prime minister the ball would be in his court, not that of the MEPs. He is the one who could force the issue onto the agenda and try to undo the agreement signed up to by John Major all those years ago in Edinburgh. Will Mr Cameron sign a pledge to raise the question of the Strasbourg seat as his first priority at his first European Council? If so, I pledge Mr Sarkozy's face will be a treat.

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PLZEN:

In the pretty central square of Plzen (Pilsen), the Czech town famous for its lager, the Civic Democrats are doing their best to pull in a crowd.

As the politicians wait under vast blue umbrellas, party workers hand out blue and white balloons and blue candy floss to the crowd. The kids are captivated and the occasional mum or dad is persuaded to take a leaflet on the European elections.

This party, known here by its initials ODS, until very recently was the Czech government. And they're Mr Cameron's new best chums.

After the Euro elections in the first week of June he wants to form a new group in the European Parliament, breaking away from the Christian Democrat, pro-European integration, European People's Party. He'll need MEPs from six other countries to do it. The Civic Democrats and the Polish Law and Justice party will be the mainstay.

I hoped to be at the launch of the Tory Euro campaign today, but no doubt it will be dominated by questions of moats and mortgages, so I thought I would have a look at their main new allies.

There is more temptation for the crowd, who are being wooed by two musicians in folk costume playing a lively tune - one on an instrument that looks a bit like a bagpipe, if a bagpipe was in the shape of a sheep being sick into a golden horn.

But what is the temptation for the Civic Democrats, I ask the leader of the party's group of Euro MPs. Jan Zahradil tells me that it is bad for democracy that the European Parliament is dominated by two big groups of the left and right and that there is no real opposition. He wants a group that will be in favour of a looser relationship within the EU, less red tape and more reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.

But is the vision really the same?

It has been a torrid time for the Civic Democrats. They were ejected from government after losing a confidence vote because of the rebellion of two of their MPs, who were angry their party had signed and ratified the Lisbon Treaty. The current President Vaclav Klaus resigned from the party he founded over Lisbon. And now the Civic Democrats want to join up with a party whose main European policy is... opposition to Lisbon.

I asked the former prime minister and party leader, Mirek Topolanek, what he really thought of the treaty he had backed at such a cost.

"This treaty is bad and we know it. We supported the treaty among other things because we were a party in government and because we signed it and because we agreed on a compromise at the level of the European Council.

"I have to point out that we're a much smaller country than Great Britain, and we only have a chance of promoting our national interests as part of a larger collective such as the European Union. We have no alternative.

"If we hadn't signed the Lisbon Treaty and had been pushed to the sidelines of the European Union we would have had no chance of promoting our national interests. That's the main reason. It was the lesser of two evils."

"Do you want it to fail? Do you want Ireland to vote 'No', Britain to vote 'No'?" I asked.

"It's a purely British matter, and I would not dare to get involved in it. I signed the treaty, and I put through ratification. The Czech Republic is simply a different country from Britain. If Britain had lived with communism for 40 years than they'd have less of a problem with the Lisbon Treaty."

I persisted: "But you're linking up with a party that says it wants it to fail, that says it's a bad thing".

"That doesn't really bother me."

"But you disagree on something fundamental."

"I don't think so. And once again I'll try and explain it in a positive way. Our co-operation is NOT based on what we DISAGREE on. Our co-operation is based on something that we want to build together. And what we want to build together has nothing to do with the Lisbon Treaty."

They are hardly on the same page on one of Mr Cameron's main international policies either. The Civic Democrats' old leader, the president, says climate change is a myth. Mr Topolanek is more circumspect.

"The Civic Democrats want people to live in a healthy natural environment. I don't think it's that different from the sort of policies that David Cameron is pushing for, the only difference is that we're not so intoxicated with the mantra of climate change."

Mr Cameron can live with that, although his opponents will make hay. His real aim is to avoid any linkage with homophobes, racists or others on the extremes, to say of the new group: "no nuts were used in the making of this product".

The Civic Democrats are not weird, if you exclude the sheep-shaped bagpipes. But their vision of the EU may turn out to be very different from that of many Conservatives.

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Across this great continent of ours a slight sense of desperation hangs over the European elections: the real world isn't paying attention.

In the Czech city of Plzen campaigners hand out spices that go with feathered game on behalf of a candidate whose name translates as... Mr Game. Those who stop to listen get a cook book with recipes from the 27 EU countries and a picture of the MEP in a chef's hat.

In France, at one rally in a very plush auditorium, the audience are all but outnumbered by the candidates, who answer questions with the eager enthusiasm of an estate agent flogging a haunted house that's perched on the edge of a cliff.

One film encouraging people to vote shows a screaming woman running into a polling booth, marking her ballot paper, still screaming, and running out, screaming. A madman with a bloodstained axe then enters requesting HIS ballot paper - the slogan along the lines of what ever you're doing make sure you find time to vote. All trying to convince you these elections matter.

Of course to some of us they do... they will dominate every waking hour of my life for a month. And distressingly, probably a few of the sleeping ones as well. Some nightmares come wearing chefs' hats and rosettes.

I am not alone of course. From the Arctic Circle to the middle of the Med there are around 9,000 candidates and they, and their mums, will be playing close attention.

But, in general, interest in the European elections seems to be regarded as a possibly harmless eccentricity, like collecting matchboxes or a tendency to wear cravats... something that says "weirdo".

This at a time when the old milk and honey aren't exactly free-flowing and politics - even international co-operation - might seem to matter.

Nicolas Benoit and Manu Garcia are deeply political animals: French unionists, supporters of the Communist Party. And they've been at the centre of the crisis. Their company Caterpillar in Grenoble is cutting the workforce nearly in half. I sought them out to hear what they thought of the elections. But they've been a bit preoccupied.

Overlooked by the snowy peaks around the city, they told me how, after weeks of fruitless negotiations, striking workers broke into the factory. They regarded it as offensive that the management had installed armed guards with dogs and they went after the bosses. Nicolas says "they jumped ship", clearly regarding this behaviour as unmanly and unsporting. "Ran away! Like Carl Lewis!" interjects Manu.

A week later they and about 100 other workers broke into the offices, caught the bosses napping and boss-napped them: offices. "There was a lot of panic with that many people," admits Nicolas, without what I imagine to be some understatement. The bosses were told they couldn't leave. Wisely they didn't try to put up a counter-revolutionary struggle and had an uncomfortable night sleeping on the floor. Twenty-four hours later, with the promise of more talks, they were allowed to go.

Nicolas tells me that they were shocked about the way the boss-napping was seen in other countries. When you are at war you have to get out your bazooka and make a lot of noise. And he says those who were outraged have no idea what it is like not to be able to feed your children.

So what do these very political people, wanting change, think about the election? Manu admits he's been too tied-up with Caterpillar to think about them at all. Nicolas says voting is always important, but the parliament is too dominated by two big groups of left and right. They are clearly not that bothered.

This week the French newspaper Liberation had a headline trying to persuade people to vote: "Europe close to you". But it doesn't feel that way to a lot of people.
There are many reasons for this. But part of it is the nature of the European Parliament itself.

When you vote, if you vote, in June you will not be choosing a government. That's true of congressional elections in the US which, mid-term, have an even lower turnout. But you will not even be choosing a parliament to stand up to a government of a clear stripe: if the EU has a government it is made up of 27 national governments and the commission, so its political complexion shifts almost constantly. When you don't really know what the government is it's difficult to say if you are voting to challenge it.

Then there's what members of the European Parliament do: change or vote down proposed laws. When I put it to a Eurosceptic lord recently that many MEPs had more power than many national ministers he airily replied: "OH, over the size of plugs, and things like that".

A lot of what they do is unglamorous, not the stuff of headlines. This is not to say the elections don't matter. At the moment the rather soft right dominates. If the Socialists were to win most seats the sort of laws coming out of the EU would have a much redder tinge.

But I suspect only when Manu, Nicolas and their friends think it worth turning their hand to MEP-napping will the parliament, and these elections, have come of age. Until then I will pick up my matchboxes, straighten my cravat and make my way to the next rally.

This is a piece I filed for today's edition of From Our Own Correspondent

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Thanks for all your kind (well, mostly) comments on my move and this blog. Just to answer a few of your questions: Yes, I am looking forward to writing a blog from the USA. I doubt I will travel quite so much as at the moment, as so much politics is Washington-centred, but to me getting out and about in such a huge and varied country is vital.

I hope the new blog, like this one, will feature a lot of the views of people who are on the sharp end of politicians' decisions, as well as the politicians' wrangling, gossip and policy debates in the capital itself. I really hope many of you will migrate with me, virtually speaking.

"Cramming and mugging?" Perhaps I should have said "mugging up": I continue to read too many books, internet sites and blogs to mention, but welcome your recommendations. No one has been chosen to replace me yet, but I am sure the blog will be a big part of their job.

Justin is not yet back in Blighty full-time, but when he moves he will be presenting the Today programme.

FreebornJohn (you need not join the migration) - you, and others, continually debate the legitimacy of the EU right here and it's been the focus, explicit or otherwise, of many of my pieces. But focusing on nothing else would be a dull monochrome, as well as real bias. I also don't quite know why you find fish irrelevant (I find them too boney on the whole, but that's another matter): most of those who oppose the EU find the Common Fisheries Policy rather, well, fishy. More on the 2006 Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act and Obama's plans for catch and trade in due course. Or possibly not.

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LYON:

The rally for President Sarkozy's UMP party was stylish and smooth, but witnesses to this were thin on the seats. The well-groomed, middle-aged and older were scattered throughout a large and very smart auditorium.

Perhaps potential supporters had as much trouble finding it as we did. Although it is meant to be Lyon's biggest venue it wasn't showing up on the GPS.

A man getting out of his car for a jog round Lyon's lovely central park dismissed us rudely. "Don't disturb me," he grumbled as we asked for directions. A young man with a wispy beard was much more helpful when we interrupted a long kiss with his androgynous girlfriend, pressed against her bike. Perhaps he needed the air. Anyway my election slogan is: "Trust snoggers, not joggers".

With his help we found a soulless underground car park that took us into one of those huge modern complexes that bring the word "regeneration" to mind. You can find your way around, navigating by the orange giant or massive green penguin, huge plastic-looking statues littered among the nearly empty swanky restaurants. An ideal space, except there seems very little reason for anybody to be there.

The rally itself featured a large comfortable set with UMP candidates sitting comfortably and attentively, jumping to their feet to give polished (if not always fascinating) answers to questions about the economic crisis, swine flu, the euro and French troops abroad.

But the highlight was from the man who wasn't there. A punchy, powerful film featuring Nicolas Sarkozy, delivering his verdict on the financial crisis in a grave rumble.

It's intriguing. When I spoke to the Socialists, the official opposition, about the supposed rise of radicalism (see yesterday) they wanted to talk about how they were the only real alternative to the UMP and how this wasn't an election where you could vote for the left in the first round as there is only one round. Sound tactics, but hardly a clarion call to the dispossessed.

President Sarkozy, on the other hand, was stressing how he wants to restrict and reform capitalism, find a new capitalism, how he led Europe in telling Washington there had to be new rules.

We've had Sarko the American, during the election campaign, for his praise of Anglo-Saxon economic liberal values. We've had the hyper president. We've had the bling-bling president. Now Sarko the Red arise!

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VENISSIEUX, near Lyon, France

The young man dressed simply but smartly in a black shirt and jeans clutches a large microphone in one hand, while the other cuts the air, soars, jabs.

The impish grin has gone and he radiates passion and an air of seriousness - for all the world like the one member of a boy band who has the talent to go solo and live on beyond his good looks. (I owe my colleague John Lichfield, The Independent's superb Paris correspondent, for sparking the comparison.) Olivier Besancenot is the Robbie Williams of French Communism.

"Don't let them tell us that we are after utopia.

"It is" - and he spreads out the word to make a point about the economic crisis - "a pol-i-ti-cal choice: when there is a natural disaster, an earthquake or a war, the state declares a state of emergency. For us the social consequence of capitalism is a natural disaster".

The banner above his head means: "No question: We will not pay for their crisis". At the foot of the platform: "Ban layoffs!"

Not that you hear the "c" word from the platform. One name check for Marx (worth reading apparently), none for Trotsky or revolution, permanent or otherwise. Perhaps the one give-away is the logo of the NPA, the New Anti-Capitalist Party - a megaphone outlined on a red flag, stylised and very Soviet Constructivist.

The NPA is indeed new, but it was formed two years ago, when the Revolutionary Communist League decided to disband and reform. The goal was to create a rainbow alliance, deliberately embracing feminism and ecology as essential components of a modern radical movement.

The original party doubled in size to 3,000 people when Besancenot fought the presidential election. The new party claims to have tripled that membership.

I am in this packed town hall, along with about 1,000 others, because I have a bee in my bonnet. I can't quite believe that we will emerge from the economic crisis with politics as usual intact, although so far I must admit there is no sign of anything but business pretty much as usual.

But these Euro elections are the first chance for people in most EU countries to pass a verdict on their governments. So I am particularly interested in whether the hard left or right pick up votes, and I am here in France to look at the left.

Olivier Besancenot has enough charisma and charm to be able to stress that policies, not personalities, are what matter. But I think my mum would like him. A good-looking, well-groomed young man, casually smart in jeans and a black shirt, who sounds like he cares. But he is not leader, for there is a collective leadership and 10 people share the platform.

One extraordinary opinion poll in March suggested that Besancenot was almost level-pegging with Sarkozy as the most credible politician in France. Asked who is most capable of changing things 38% choose the president and 35% Besancenot. The leader of the main opposition party, the Socialists, got 28%. And the disarray of the traditional French left is a big part of this story. But polls ahead of this election put the NPA at a miserable 7%.

Besancenot tells me: "There is a new political space opening up. We feel there is even a part of the French political class that is taking up ideas which only we were expressing four or five years ago. That allows us to go a bit further. But our discourse only makes sense if there is a mass of the population who thinks politics belongs to them, not professional politicians."

He adds: "The crisis will only be useful to the left if there are victorious social struggles which make our anti-capitalist solutions credible. The crisis can bring out the best or the worst. The best being victorious mobilisation at a European level, which would give back confidence. The worst would be if this doesn't happen and it becomes every man for himself, which would bring out individualistic or even xenophobic ideas."

My feeling is that if there is something of a resurgence of radicalism in France, it is a mood, not a movement. But that stylised megaphone does make a lot of noise (ah yes, we in the media amplify the phenomena). And we will have to wait until 7 June to see who is marching to a post-revolutionary tune.

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I am off. In more ways than one.

First I am going on the campaign trail for what will be a pretty intensive month before the European election results are announced on 7 June, and don't expect to be in Brussels much. Of course my colleague Jonny Dymond has a head start on me and has already "done" France and Ireland.

For me it's first stop France, and there'll be more on the mood there later this week.

But I am also leaving Europe this summer. I've just been appointed the BBC's North America editor, replacing Justin Webb, a hard act to follow indeed. It's why I have been missing for a bit, mugging up and cramming. I am thrilled, excited beyond measure, that I will be covering what is possibly the most important story in the world: how Obama copes with the numerous challenges before him, from the economy to climate change, to the terrorist threat to America's image in the world - challenges that are not only important for the United States but the rest of us as well. All that and a new continent to explore too.

But I will twinge as I travel round Europe for the elections, wondering what I will miss, and what I will miss the most. I surprised myself when I came here four years ago that I really didn't miss much in Britain, apart from friends and family. Perhaps I shouldn't have been surprised: every reminder of home, from Marmite to the Sunday newspapers, is easily available in Brussels, and it's only a couple of hours on the train to get back to dear old Blighty. But walking round the back streets of Rome, the bustle of Berlin, the ever unfolding glory of the French countryside - these are a few of my favourite things. If you are an expat from either continent, Old World or New, what do you miss from home?

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