The report emphasises the need to tackle homelessness at a very early stage, as those caught up in the cycle of poverty often fall into trouble in adolescence. 74% of the homeless people interviewed by the Salvation Army here had no relationship with their father. Around half reported neglect or abuse as children and more than a quarter were homeless before the age of 18.

Depressing stuff, although I was heartened to hear from the Council for the Homeless's Ricky Rowledge that a concerted drive by the authorities to tackle rough sleeping had produced dividends, which is one reason why the problem is not so evident on our streets as, say, in London.

Alcohol dependency, inevitably, is a big problem with 73% of those interviewed drinking. Whilst cannabis use in Belfast appeared slightly higher than in Dublin, other drugs like opiates and cocaine appeared less prevalent (although someone at the launch suggested to me that with fewer security checks here greater quantities of drugs are finding their way on to our streets).

Other issues raised during our panel discussion included the plight of migrants who may find themselves without a roof over heads but aren't eligible for benefits (which was recently highlighted in an Ethnic Minorities Council report, and the extent to which the "new" Northern Ireland has made little or no difference to disadvantaged young people (a point made by a recent Save The Children briefing.

Of course pleas for extra resources for the sector are likely to fall on deaf ears given the general economic downturn. Indeed the Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie acknowledged that tackling homelessness was "challenging at the best of times but especially difficult as budgets become tight". But whilst saving on this area may provide a short term gain, as the Salvation Army's research shows it only stores up the problems for future generations. Either way, with public sector cuts inevitable, it seems certain that the Sally Army's four local centres are going to be busy in the months and years to come.

The Reverend Norman Hamilton expressed the fear that "social justice" matters don't get much of a hearing at Stormont in comparison to big picture politics and justice. He has a point. But as we have seen in relation to this week's so called punishment attacks the two areas are not unconnected. If statutory and voluntary agencies don't find a way of reaching out to adolescents at risk of homelessness or involvement in anti-social behaviour, then paramilitary groups may seize upon them either as victims or recruits.

On a lighter note the launch was attended by both the SDLP Deputy Leader Alasdair mcDonnell and the Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie. The UUP's Basil McCrea (who was there alongside the DUP Minister Edwin Poots) joked that unlike the SDLP participants he wasn't involved in a leadership race, adding "not yet anyway". He quickly clarified that this was just a joke, so Sir Reg hasn't got to watch his back just yet.

My guest for this Sunday's Inside Politics will be Jim Allister, whose Traditional Unionists hold their conference this weekend. I assume after the party's apology for calling Irish a "leprechaun language" that his leader's speech will not be bilingual. You can catch Inside Politics as usual after the one o'clock news on BBC Radio Ulster this Sunday.

In East Londonderry, as was confirmed some time back, Sinn Fein's Francie Brolly is standing down.The selection meeting there is due later this month and it's believed the runners might include Limavady Councillor Brenda Chivers and Coleraine Councillor Billy Leonard - who, if selected, would be the first former police officer to make it into Sinn Fein's Stormont team.

Apart from talking about the "North West", Ms McGill said "Strabane" rather a lot. It turned out she said it seven times. The DUP MLAs knew as they had been running a sweepstake on how many times the town would get a mention. I'm told Simon Hamilton came closest with eight. And when Jim Shannon let Claire McGill know what had been going on she told him she'd learned her tactic by listening to how often he worked the name of his Strangford constituency into all his Assembly utterances.

Mr Harbinson said unionism had been defeated because of the absence of the DUP MPs. Although his general point may be valid Tuesday's vote was in fact less of a "classic illustration" than he may believe.

That's because nationalists had brought a petition of concern on the Ulster Unionist motion, in order to ensure its criticism of the Bill of Rights would be blocked. But when a PUP amendment supportive of the Bill went through (because of the low unionist numbers) it then became the main motion under discussion.

In the first example I can remember of such a petition boomeranging on those who had brought it, the motion backing the Bill of Rights would have gone through with nationalist and Alliance support, but could not proceed because it required cross community backing. So the unionists, despite their depleted numbers, were able to use the Good Friday Agreement to block a motion supportive of the Bill of Rights.

So as the Official Report shows, unionists lost the amendment by 39 votes to 46, but "won" the main motion by 39 votes to 45, on the grounds that the only unionist in favour of the Bill of Rights was Dawn Purvis.

Next Tuesday MLAs will again face a dillemma about being in two places at once. The Justice Bill, which provides for a future devolved department, is going through its consideration stage and a late night is predicted. However the Assembly is also organising one of its roadshows for the same evening, this time in South Antrim.

Last time late night voting coincided with a roadshow there were red faces for the Assembly secretariat when most MLAs failed to turn up at the event organised in East Belfast's Park Avenue hotel. To try to avoid a similar discourtesy to those voters interested enough to attend a roadshow, the Assembly is now investigating whether MLAs can agree a "pairing" arrangement, along the lines of similar deals at Westminster. This would enable a politician to attend the roadshow in the knowledge that their absence won't make a crucial difference to voting on the bill back in the Chamber.

The IMC has backed the argument that an early agreement would help combat the dissidents by claiming it "could provide a potent intervention. This would not be because the dissidents would be impressed by it. It would be because policing and justice
would no longer be a point of contention across the political divide; rather, it would
be a platform for co-operation against those trying to undermine the peace
process."

So will that cooperation prove more effective if we have, say, an Alliance Minister rather than a direct rule one? David Ford has described today's IMC report as a "wake up call" to the Stormont politicians that further delays cannot be afforded, whilst Shaun Woodward hopes it "should be hugely influential in informing an early decision".

After listening to the Nolan programme's reports on so called punishment attacks earlier today, it's clear that whoever is in charge of the police and the courts in the future will have a real job to do to eliminate the trend towards vigilante justice. Most listeners will have been shocked by the searing account of the brutality with which these attacks are carried out. But there was also evidence from amongst the callers of the reservoir of support for such actions which will only dry up when communities feel full confidence in the ability of the police to respond to crime in their midst. And I couldn't help wondering what other activities those involved in such attacks on young people in their own areas will go on to become embroiled in now they have been "blooded" by their shadowy organisations.

His full report, which includes a chapter on Northern Ireland, can be read here.

Double jobbing should be back in the news tomorrow when Sir Christopher Kelly publishes his report on MPs' expenses. The report will have a specific Northern Ireland chapter, and the rumour here is that he may recommend a five year phasing out of dual mandates. There are also suggestions that Sinn Fein's abstentionist allowances may come under pressure. Sir Christopher's proposals on the employment of family members have been well trailed elsewhere, but should have particular resonance here.

The behind the scenes talks about devolving justice go on. The Assembly Committee which looks after policing and justice is inviting the First and Deputy First Ministers to give it evidence next week and it's they may also be looking for a meeting with Lord Ashdown on his parades proposals. It's also putting a motion before the main Assembly calling on Shaun Woodward to provide the committee with any memoranda of understanding and protocols related to national security - something the Committee has been looking for unsuccessfully for some time.

I'm told work is still continuing on the precise powers and independence of a future Justice Minister visa-vis the rest of the Executive. There are also discussions about how the minister should be appointed. It's already been settled that the nominee should get cross community support, but should that amount to an effective coronation of the Alliance party or should the Assembly go through the process of voting for a series of candidates from different parties before arriving at the same destination?

Sir Reg Empey used his speech to set out his stall on devolving policing and justice. He didn't offer any criticism of Gordon Brown's financial package, which Mr Cameron has already endorsed. Instead he concentrated his fire on the arrangements which look certain to give the job to the Alliance party and the subsequent "sunset clause". He challenged Peter Robinson to open talks on justice, pledging that there should be "no backroom deals".

It's uncertain if that means the UUP will let the transfer process move forwards, whilst sniping at the cross community arrangements, or could open talks lead to a further delay? Certainly Owen Paterson seems to want the transfer to proceed as soon as possible, although he clarified that he also wants the Stormont coalition parties to agree on the details.

Whilst William Hague turned up, the UUP's only MP Lady Sylvia Hermon again stayed away. Her absence, whilst not surprising, pointed to the unresolved questions about the future of the UUP-Tory Force. Sir Reg is confident they will make gains in next year's Westminster election, but it's not even guaranteed that they will be able to hold on to their one remaining seat in the Commons.

Michael McGimpsey kept all his options open when we asked if he would stand in South Belfast - his dillemma may be whether it's credible not just to say you will give up your MLA job if elected, but to fight the campaign whilst holding on to either an MLA or ministerial portfolio. That said, signs that the DUP might sanction more double jobbing than they previously indicated would lessen the pressure on the Health Minister on this score.

Mr McGimpsey quoted Nye Bevan when praising the NHS. When I pointed out that this was a very Labourite source of inspiration he pronounced himself happy with David Cameron's approach on health. Michael's brother Chris makes less of a secret of his left wing sympathies, and again fired a warning shot across Sir Reg's bows by putting his name to a letter claiming the UUP has handed over control of its new movement to the Conservatives.

Certainly there are enough tensions at constituency level to make the continuing saga of candidate selection extremely interesting.

Having returned for the conference, next week I'm away on my half term break proper. Martina Purdy and Gareth Gordon will take up the reins on "Inside Politics" and (unless Martina judges that events warrant a blog or two in the next few days) I shall be back here in just over a week's time.

However today the TUV's Jim Allister thought he had spotted a sleight of hand in the Prime Minister's package. claiming that any cash drawn from the UK contingency fund would have to be paid back, so could a have a negative impact on services such as education and health.

Not so, claims Jeffrey Donaldson. He accuses the TUV of scaremongering and insists the assertion that the money is a loan is "plain and simply wrong".

(UPDATE: The NIO has also weighed in this evening insisting that "this claim is without foundation. HM Treasury are not requiring Reserve claims to be repaid in this case".)

With different money matters in mind, brace yourself for more information on MLA expenses. Breakdowns going back to 2003 will be available on the Assembly website from tomorrow. Some of the material will mirror what has already been put in the public domain by Good Morning Ulster, but there may be further details.

Far from having what Sammy Wilson would call "an unhealthy obsession" with expenses I have to confess I find the business of scanning through page after page of utility bills and photocopying charges pretty mind numbing. So I'm rather glad that some time ago I booked tomorrow off for a bit of half term leave (although I am returning to the hot seat alongside Jim for Saturday's Ulster Unionist conference). But one plea to Sammy - update your Commons register of interests! A regular reader has pointed out to me you still haven't put down your Finance Minister's job or any estimate of how many hours your council, MLA and academic jobs take out of your working week.

Participants report that as well as building homes for needy families, the trip proved a great team building exercise. But if anyone is hoping that the experience will lead to a melting in the sometimes icy relations between the two North Antrim MLAs, then I am sad to report that their paths didn't cross, as they worked at the Romanian camp on different days.

Other VIP volunteers included the Methodist minister and decommissioning witness Harold Good, and the veteran Romanian tennis star Ilie Nastase.

Another local politician engaging in charity work is the Upper Bann MP David Simpson, who sets off on Thursday on a sponsored walk from Lurgan to Portadown in aid of the Royal British Legion's "Walk for Heroes" campaign which will help injured soldiers.

UPDATE: I'm told his route will cover 50 miles of his constituency, even though the towns are rather closer together as the crow flies.

Earlier this month Patsy McGlone revealed that the review of public administration has so far cost £90 million. That figure included costs associated not just with the council shake up but also the accompanying reforms of the health and education structures.

An economic appraisal released by the minister today estimates the cost of the council shake up as £118 million. But it argues that the reforms will deliver savings of £438 million over 25 years (which strikes me as quite a long time for such a projection).

So far as paying for the shake up is concerned, aside from grant aid from central government, the latest economic appraisal suggests councils could find the money through increasing the district rate, introducing a business rates supplement, work place parking levies or charges for council services.

All of those suggestions might raise ratepayers' eyebrows.

So far I haven't heard any mention of the proposed severance payments for veteran councillors who choose not to contest the elections for the 11 new councils. I believe the minister has yet to decide on the level of these payments, but as this blog noted back in August the range of expenditure being considered on this scheme is anything between £4,196,000 and £5,247,000.

One Stormont source suggested to me earlier today that the NIO Minister Paul Goggins is not prepared to allow parties here to have a mass co-option of new councillors to replace party colleagues who wish to stand down. the source suggested that veteran politicians will therefore hang on until the election to the new councils and that the minister may keep open the severance package until nominations for the 2011 elections close. If this is the case it would call into question some of the logic of the original severance proposal which was meant to enable new councillors to take up the reins some time before the 11 council model goes live.

Whatever the niceties, I imagine that when the severance arrangements become more widely debated the public may be sceptical about the need for such pay offs.

P.S. Thanks Suzie - have re-inserted the missing zero

So the UUP's George Savage asked Mr Robinson to list the 451 issues and all those matters on which the current Executuve has not agreed. At the start of the month he got the same answer to both questions: "It is not our practice to disclose details of Executive business. The content of Executive papers and all aspects of Executive business are confidential."

Mr Savage is now awaiting a reply to a follow up question wondering whether the First Minister's original comment amounted to a breach of Executive confidentiality.

During a fairly quiet day at Stormont, the First Minister did get in a little dig on the UUP's Danny Kennedy. Mr Kennedy had declared an interest before asking a question about the Presbyerian Mutual Society. The UUP Deputy Leader told MLAs he had a modest investment in the PMS. Mr Robinson responded that this was the only modest thing about him.

In the body of his answer, the First Minister floated the idea of the troubled PMS being linked to a local bank, if the regulatory obstacles can be overcome. So which bank might be in the frame - could it be the Ulster, whose staff appear extremely concerned about management proposals to downgrade their terms and conditions, the Northern, or one of the other High Street banks?

Together with my guests Seamus Close and the Institute of Directors' Joanne Stuart we also touched on politicians' expenses and the Hillary Clinton visit.

On a lighter note, though, I discovered that Gerry Kelly was the speaker at a recent NI Construction Employers Federation awards dinner. As each winner went to pick up their award, they were accompanied by a rousing piece of classical music.

But when the Junior Minister went to present the overall winner with their prize he got to his feet to the accompaniment of "Land of Hope and Glory". The irony of a former IRA prisoner being beckoned on stage with an anthem which extolls the British empire was not lost either on the North Belfast MLA or the rest of the audience. Much mirth ensued, and perhaps a red face for whoever recorded the backing tape.

P.S. On the topic of "red faces" I see my Dawn Purvis howler made the Sunday Times. Fame, at last!

So it was with Margaret Ritchie, who appeared in the Great Hall this week together with Alex Attwood, Mary Bradley, Dolores Kelly, Carmel Hanna, Tommy Burns and Tommy Gallagher. The MLAs duly nodded in the background as the Social Development Minister declared her intention to succeed Mark Durkan.

The minister claimed to have the backing of "at least 50%" of the SDLP's Assembly party. A supporter later explained that if you counted out Ms Ritchie, Mr Durkan and the other likely candidate deputy leader Alasdair McDonnell that left 13 MLAs, and given there were 6 politicians at Ms Ritchie's launch that was almost half of the team.

However a rumour has been going around Stormont that the two Tommies didn't know they were going to be bit part players in a Ritchie leadership bid and, in fact, might be leaning towards Dr. McDonnell.

In an attempt to get to the truth of the matter, I've been speaking to sources close to the Tommies, who told me that as the phalanx set off down the stairs they did know what the minister planned to announce.

But whilst I understand that Tommy Gallagher is a firm Ritchie backer, I am led to believe that Tommy Burns remains open to persuasion, friendly with both the Minister and Deputy Leader and not yet decided between them.

Let's hope he makes his mind up when it comes to the vote at the party conference in February, although given that it's a secret ballot, will we ever know exactly what he decides?

When we were called into an Assembly briefing on the release of 2008/09 expenses questions were raised about the big round sums paid to some party headquarters. But at that stage officials explained it as a matter of personal choice for the politicians. Some organised their own secretarial and research requirements, whilst others preferred to let their parties provide them centrally.

Andy's figures, putting Sinn Fein at nearly £2 million, well ahead of the Ulster Unionists at £380,000, raise a question about whether the Assembly allowances are being used to support politicians in their necessary constituency work or - in Sinn Fein's case in particular - have been used as a "tithe" to supplement the general party coffers.

Sinn Fein officials point out that the "Office Costs Allowance" is not limited to constituency work but is meant to support their MLAs in their general Assembly functions. So, the argument goes, if MLAs band together to pay for centrally provided research on, say, rural planning then that is a legitimate and effective use of resources.

They also point out that other parties tend to use the bulk of their "Office Costs Allowance", so it's not the case that republicans are costing the taxpayer more on average than their counterparts. There seems to be a hint also that because Sinn Fein workers get lower rates than other employees this has freed up more of the OCA for their general research work.

Nevertheless when you look at, say, Cathal Boylan's expenses and see round figures for £13,400 and £10,800, then, for example, Raymond McCartney's expenses with round figures of £13,300, £11,900 and £6,500, it's hard not to wonder where that cash is ultimately going to.

Sinn Fein aren't "themselves alone" on this one. If you look at last year's top claimer, the SDLP's Pat Ramsey you can see bills from SDLP HQ of £1,950, £1,500, £2,500 and £900.

Maybe there is nothing awry (although I see that, predictably, Jim Allister is not convinced). But it would probably increase public confidence in the assembly if there were some system of secondary auditing so the ultimate use of money paid to party headquarters could be independently verified.

Defending his party, Sinn Fein's John O'Dowd argued that other politicians employ their husbands and wives to do similar work rather than ensuring it is carried out centrally. Andy Martin mentioned the employment of some relatives in building work on MLA offices during his broadcast this morning and tomorrow's "Good Morning Ulster" is expected to have more on that score. The Assembly has just adopted a new code of conduct which will include a register of family members, expected to be published next month. Again, given the level of suspicion around expenses, whether they are at Stormont or Westminster, the publication of this register will not be before time.

Andy also raised the large sums approved for repairing or altering MLA offices. That's something which will raise eyebrows amongst anyone who has been a tenant, and who expects their landlord to pick up the bill for maintenance. I suppose a case can be made for MLAs paying the bill if an office has to be altered to suit their particular purposes (for example by ensuring full access for constituents with disabilities). However there is clearly room for debate about which alterations should be paid for by a tenant and which by a landlord. And if a politician rents from their party or a family member then there is always the potential for a perceived conflict of interest.

Finally an admission. The headline for this entry is plagiarised from the recent Daily Telegraph book of the same name. I am reading it at the moment and would recommend it to anyone looking for - in Anthony Howard's words - a "racy, pacy" read.