Archives for March 2009

Here in Beijing, unless you happen to be locked away in a safe, you'll know what day it is. The Chinese government recently designated 28 March as Serfs' Emancipation Day - the day on which the Dalai Lama's rule in Tibet was officially dissolved in 1959. China has decided that this new holiday will celebrated every year from now on in Tibet.

This holiday is part of a major effort by China to advertise this country's narrative of events in Tibet - a storyline which differs dramatically from how Tibet is seen in the West. In China's view, Tibet was liberated when the Dalai Lama fled in 1959 - downtrodden serfs were freed from medieval bondage, and Tibetans now enjoy unprecedented freedom and prosperity under the care of the Chinese Communist Party.

In recent days, Chinese TV stations have broadcast in peak time a series of special programmes about Tibet. One Chinese blogger, He Caitou, writes that cinemas are running a trailer about life in Tibet - and how good it is. The Chinese Foreign Ministry has been particularly keen to convey China's position. (At a recent briefing, a BBC colleague asked a tough, specific question about Tibet. The spokesman gave a six-minute reply which didn't answer the question. My colleague was then handed two DVDs explaining China's view on Tibet.)

On the eve of Serfs' Emancipation Day, China's most senior leaders all trooped to a museum in Beijing to visit an exhibition entitled "50th Anniversary of Democratic Reforms in Tibet". (Their presence was deemed so serious that the museum was closed down for the day.)

Serfs' Liberation Day itself began with official celebrations in the Tibetan capital Lhasa. It's important to stress that the BBC is unable to travel independently to Lhasa to report on this event - or on any other aspect of Tibetan life. China currently prevents foreigners from visiting the region. The Chinese Foreign Ministry occasionally organises carefully supervised tours for selected members of the foreign media - but the BBC, along with many other major news organisations, has not been selected for some time. Therefore, we're unable to gather first-hand testimony from people in Tibet.

MUSEUM EXHIBITION

This afternoon a colleague and I went along to the Tibet exhibition in Beijing. We shuffled through the exhibits along with hundreds of others (attendance may have been helped by the fact that entry was free). A collection of senior colonels from the People's Armed Police diligently followed a guide with a loudspeaker.

The exhibition begins with a display of life in Tibet before Communist rule - "a feudal serfdom under the despotic theocratic rule of officials, lamas and nobles" according to the guidebook. One exhibit shows serfs living in a pigsty while their masters dine in luxury in a nearby palace.

The exhibition goes on to argue that life dramatically improved for Tibetans after the Dalai Lama (sometimes referred to as just "Dalai") fled into exile in 1959. "Millions of serfs and slaves in the region were thus no longer chattel for trade and barter, but masters of their own fate and of the nation."

Further exhibits show off the joys of modern Tibet - a high-speed rail-link with Beijing, hospitals, crates of beer, smiling ex-serfs tilling the fields.

One section focuses on the Tibetan protests of March 2008 under the title "The Restoration Fantasy of the Dalai Clique" - together with extracts of Western media reports in order to illustrate what China describes as "Distorted Coverage".

A quick look at the guestbook on the way out makes it clear that China's narrative is pretty popular with its own people ...

"No foreign force can stop the progress of Tibet."
"Only the great Communist Party of China can liberate millions of serfs."
"Any force which tries to split Tibet is doomed to failure."

PANCHEN LAMA

It's clear that China has already won over the overwhelming majority of its own population. But for China, a new holiday, a museum exhibition, and a series of tv programmes may not be enough to win over the West.

The Communist Party's biggest obstacle in this regard is the Dalai Lama. How do you go up against a charismatic, world-famous English-speaking monk who preaches peace and calls for freedom in Tibet ?

If you were the Communist Party, you'd want a Dalai Lama of your own. That's exactly what the Party is trying out. It has its own alternative to the Dalai Lama - another English-speaking Tibetan monk who also preaches peace, but who insists that there is already freedom in Tibet.

This monk is 19-year-old Gyaltsen Norbu. In 1995, he was chosen by the Communist Party as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, second only to the Dalai Lama in the hierarchy of Tibetan Buddhism. (The boy chosen by the Dalai Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, was taken into custody by the Chinese authorities. He has not been seen in public since.)

Earlier today, Gyaltsen Norbu delivered a speech in English at
the opening ceremony of the Second World Buddhist Forum held in eastern China.
On Monday he wrote an editorial on freedom in Tibet for the main Communist Party newspaper, the People's Daily.

A speech in English and a newspaper editorial in the same week come after years in which Gyaltsen Norbu was rarely seen in public. It looks like the Chinese Communist Party is keen to introduce this 19-year-old monk to the world as its rival and alternative to the 73-year-old Dalai Lama.

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Earlier this year, the US and China engaged in a duel of human rights reports. The US Department of State released a report on human rights in China, followed by China publishing its own report on human rights in the United States.

Now we have a semi-sequel. The US defence department has just released a report on "Military power of the People's Republic of China 2009"[pdf link].

Among the 78-page report's conclusions...

"Over the past several years, China has begun a new phase of military development by beginning to articulate roles and missions for the PLA [People's Liberation Army] that go beyond China's immediate territorial interests, but has left unclear to the international community the purposes and objectives of the PLA's evolving doctrine and capabilities. Moreover, China continues to promulgate incomplete defense expenditure figures and engage in actions that appear inconsistent with its declaratory policies. The limited transparency in China's military and security affairs poses risks to stability by creating uncertainty and increasing the potential for misunderstanding and miscalculation."

China has delivered its response, which can be summarised in four words: mind your own business.

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, Qin Gang, told a briefing that the Pentagon's report was a "gross distortion of the facts and an interference into China's internal affairs... Stop making groundless accusations against China".

The verbal duelling between the two countries goes to the heart of a fundamental issue: how do two powers with global military ambitions co-exist?

In particular - following this month's confrontation between the US and China in the South China Sea - is there enough room for two military powers off the coast of China?

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"Before you embark on a journey of revenge, dig two graves."

"It does not matter how slowly you go so long as you do not stop."

"Wheresoever you go, go with all your heart."

If you're Chinese, you probably knew the author of these sayings by the time you got to the word "Before". If you're not Chinese, you probably got it by the end. These proverbs are some of the sayings of China's first moral teacher, Confucius (551- 479 BC) - a man whose teachings are now back in fashion in this country.

This week, it was announced that Chow Yun-Fat is to star as Confucius in a state-backed film to mark the 60th anniversary of Communist rule in October. A recent book about Confucius' teachings has sold more than 10 million copies.

For centuries, Confucianism provided the moral foundation for the conduct of life in China. Confucius and his followers designed a system of government and society based on harmony and respect for social order.

But during the early years of Communist rule, Confucianism came under attack. Chairman Mao decreed that there was room for only one belief system in China: his own.

During the decade-long Cultural Revolution, Red Guards attacked the home of Confucius and tried to destroy all forms of religion and tradition. Many were killed for their beliefs.

Then, at the end of the 1970s, Deng Xiaoping began to introduce capitalism. The certainties of Mao-style Marxism began to fall away.

A few years later, the Communist Party started to worry about a growing vacuum of belief in China. Universally-mandated faith in Communism was being replaced by a new belief in money, and also by a growing number of religious movements. One of these movements, the Falun Gong, was seen as a dangerous cult which posed a threat to the Party's rule.

The Party needed an alternative - a faith that might help to guide its citizens through life in a country that was trying to jam several centuries' worth of change into just a few years. In the end, it chose to do what every political party does when it faces a crisis - it went back to basics. In this case - to Confucius.

After he took office in 2003, China's President Hu Jintao began to talk of building a "harmonious society" - a deliberate echo of Confucius. Communist Party officials talk as much as they can about harmony (conveniently, the need for harmony is often used as a pretext for stopping all forms of dissent).

Here in Beijing, the 14th Century Confucian Temple is a popular destination for Chinese tourists. Harmony within the grounds clearly needs a little vigilance. A sign warns that there will be "No Admission for Drunkards and People with Mental Problems".

A colleague and I asked some of the visitors for their favourite Confucian sayings.

"I work for a very big company," one woman told us. "Every day I have to work in a team with colleagues. I practise and experience one of the mottos of Confucius: 'When three people travel together, one must be the teacher.'"

"Confucius says a noble man can love a beautiful woman but not have lust," a man told us. "That philosophy taught me a lot. My son is still young but when he grows up I will teach him about it and show him the root of our culture."

Do you follow the teachings of Confucius? Do you have a favourite Confucianism?

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Kim Yong-il of North Korea is in China.

News of his visit generated quite a bit of excitement when it was first announced. North Korea's leader rarely travels outside his own country. No-one knows much about his exact state of health. And he's about to launch a rocket.

But then we read the name more carefully: Kim Yong-il. Not Kim Jong-il.

North Korea's ultimate leader (Jong with a J) is still at home in Pyongyang. Here in Beijing, we've been treated to a visit by North Korea's premier (Yong with a Y).

Kim Yong-il has come to celebrate 60 years of diplomatic relations between North Korea and China. The two states are neighbours and trading partners. Recent history shows that North Korea tends to plough its own course in the world, without spending huge amounts of time listening to others. But many believe that when China talks, North Korea has to listen.

China argues that it has worked patiently to end North Korea's isolation. Since 2003, China has hosted several rounds of diplomatic talks here in Beijing aimed at persuading North Korea to give up its nuclear ambitions. But those negotiations - called the Six Party talks - have yet to achieve any kind of lasting breakthrough -diplomatic speak for "they're stuck".

In April, North Korea says that it will launch a communications satellite. Other countries - led by the United States - believe that this may be cover for a long-range missile test.

Kim Yong-il's visit to Beijing comes just weeks before this launch. It may be the best chance yet for North Korea to explain to outsiders exactly what it's planning to do.

Of course, Kim Yong-il hasn't given anything away during his public events here in China. I've just come back from the Great Hall of the People where I watched him attend an official welcome ceremony.

Kim Yong Il was greeted at the front door by China's Premier Wen Jiabao. The two exchanged three hugs - probably standard premier-to-premier protocol.

The two men then listened to their national anthems and walked along a red carpet to inspect a guard of honour. Wen Jiabao turned his head towards the troops. Kim Yong-il's peripheral vision must be acute - since he was able to inspect the troops to his left without ever needing to turn his head.

The two then led their delegations into a formal reception/negotiating room (the kind with a table the size of an aircraft carrier). After a few photos, the media was escorted out. And the talks began.

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On Sunday, an earnest-looking young man with short hair and rimless glasses was shown poking about an exhibition on Tibetan reform at a museum in Beijing.

The young man, who's just 19, is rarely ever seen in public. Even if I give you his name - Gyaltsen (or Gyaincain) Norbu - you may not know who he is.

But China hopes that this young man will help to decide the long-term future of Tibet - in China's favour.

In 1995, Gyaltsen Norbu was chosen by China as the 11th reincarnation of the Panchen Lama. This is a position second only to the Dalai Lama in the hierarchy of Tibetan Buddhism.

As you'll know, China sees the current Dalai Lama as its enemy. But it also knows that he is 73 years old. So, the Communist Party has already worked out what it will do when the Dalai Lama dies - and it expects Gyaltsen Norbu to play a prominent role.

By tradition, the Panchen Lama helps to choose the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. When the time comes, China will encourage Gyaltsen Norbu to pick, or at least to endorse, a young Tibetan boy to succeed the current Dalai Lama. China's hope is that, within a couple of decades at most, it will be able to add a new pro-Beijing Dalai Lama to its current pro-Beijing Panchen Lama.

Despite - or because of - his important role in the years ahead, we seldom get to see much of Gyaltsen Norbu. To my knowledge, his museum visit was not advertised in advance. In the last few years, the Chinese authorities have not made him available for interview.

Of course, it's important to add that many Tibetans do not recognise Gyaltsen Norbu as the true Panchen Lama. In 1995, the Dalai Lama himself chose a different boy - Gedhun Choekyi Nyima - as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama. This boy was taken into Chinese custody and has not been seen in public since. Human rights groups say that Gedhun Choekyi Nyima is a political prisoner. China says that he and his family live a normal life and do not want to be disturbed by outsiders.

What's more, the Dalai Lama has suggested that his own reincarnation may be born outside Tibet. This would give Tibetans in exile the chance to pick the next Dalai Lama on their own. They don't want to have to rely on decisions made by a 19-year-old who's been brought up to obey the Chinese Communist Party.

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It's the last day of the annual session of China's parliament, the National People's Congress. No surprises during this year's session.

Following tradition, China's Premier Wen Jiabao ended business with his annual news conference.

I was there...

You can read more on the Congress here.

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This week marks the 50th anniversary of the Tibetan uprising which led to the exile of the Dalai Lama. Tibet's exiled leader has described the situation in his homeland as "hell on earth" - a characterisation rejected by China.

At the moment, China has stopped foreigners from travelling into Tibet, but many Tibetans also live in neighbouring Chinese provinces on the Tibetan plateau. These are the only Tibetan areas that we can try to visit.

But in recent days, the Chinese authorities have detained (and sometimes harassed) many foreign reporters who have tried to get to these areas.

Still, a few days ago, a colleague and I managed to get in and out of the Tibetan plateau without being arrested. Here's what we found.

At the main gate to a monastery on the plateau, a monk in red robes sits behind a counter. My colleague and I buy two tickets and walk into the grounds - a valley full of temples surrounded by hills and prayer flags. (In order to protect the identity of the monks we spoke to, we have decided to withhold the name of this monastery.)

There is a number of men in well-pressed trousers standing around the grounds. Experience in China suggests that these men may be undercover Chinese policemen - determined to make sure there's no repeat of last year's Tibetan protests.

My colleague and I walk freely through the monastery - into prayer halls and debating chambers. We meet a Tibetan monk standing alone. No-one appears to be watching us. We've travelled almost a thousand miles for this one opportunity.

"We heard that last year there were some problems around this area. Are things quiet now?" we ask him.

"Nothing will happen," the monk says quietly, "we're all being suppressed."

"Is there lots of surveillance at the moment?"

"Yes. Control."

"Who is controlling you?"

"The government."

"Do you think the Dalai Lama will ever come back?"

The monk nods.

"He should come back," he whispers, "he should come back."

The whisper of a single monk is as loud as support for the Dalai Lama can get in this monastery. To China, the Dalai Lama is a corrupt, violent, feudal overlord who has spent 50 years trying to split Tibet from the motherland.

A little later, we visit a second Tibetan monastery. Two young monks escort us into a temple. They show us a framed photo of the Dalai Lama on an altar - a picture they have to hide away whenever the Chinese police come to visit.

"They come quite often, to tell us not to make any trouble," one of the monks says. "So we have to hide his picture, or else we will get fined. The police don't usually search the place. So, as long as we hide it well, we will be okay."

We drive on through frosty hillsides towards the village in which the Dalai Lama was born in 1935. We stop at a house by the side of the road. A gray metal door is half open.

"This is the place in which he was born," a Tibetan woman standing outside the house tells us. "Last year, they refurbished the whole place again, so it's like it was before."

Beyond the door, we can see into a courtyard, where there is a Tibetan mastiff on a chain, and an ornate green and gold building. But we can't go inside. We learn that Chinese police officers from the Public Security Bureau come around every day. They make sure that foreigners don't go inside.

A taxi then pulls up at the door. Four middle-aged Tibetans get out. They bang on the door in a slight panic. They tell us that they've driven for hours from Qinghai Lake to visit the birthplace of the man they worship as a god. A person guarding the house lets them inside.

My colleague and I wait outside in the wind. China condemns the Dalai Lama as a terrorist with the heart of a beast. But in this remote village, China allows Tibetans to make discreet pilgrimages to the house in which he was born.

We'd like to stay around a little longer. But villagers tell us that the police are on their way. We drive off, leaving the grey metal door and the golden rooftop behind us.

James Reynolds reports from Tibet on Radio 4's Today programme on 12 March.

PS: Onto another pressing subject - the effects of the global recession on China. As I've written here before, millions of Chinese workers have lost their jobs because the rest of the world has stopped spending. So now, the Chinese government is looking to the countryside for economic salvation. It's hoping to lure workers back to a more rural way of life.

It's well worth having a look at this TV report by my colleague Quentin Sommerville which explains the subject perfectly.

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One central question often dominates discussions of China's future: will this country ever become an electoral democracy - with rival parties fighting for power at the ballot box?

The answer from the number two man in the Communist Party is simple: No.

In his speech to the annual session of the National People's Congress, Wu Bangguo said that China would "never simply copy the system of Western countries or introduce a system of multiple parties holding office in rotation".

A definitive statement then. No wiggle room whatsoever.

But other leaders have left the door ajar. In a television interview a few months ago, China's Premier Wen Jiabao was asked whether or not he could foresee competitive elections in China in 25 years' time. "It's hard for me to predict," he replied.

But now, the man who outranks Mr Wen in the Communist hierarchy has made it clear: no competitive elections in China. Ever. So long, of course, as the Communist Party remains in charge.

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China's parliament meets only once a year - for just a few days. It's such a brief event that members of parliament line up to take souvenir photos of themselves outside the steps of the parliament building - the Great Hall of the People next to Tiananmen Square.

Photo time for China's MPs came early this morning - the first day of the 2009 parliamentary session.

Several thousand delegates were driven in coaches to Tiananmen Square. They walked up the steps of the Great Hall, took their photos, walked onto red carpets, and then into the main chamber (I was in the press section on the second tier).

Just before 9am, a military band, half-hidden in the audience, played a few bars. China's President Hu Jintao led the Politburo out onto the main stage.

The Politburo members clapped solemnly in time to the military music - it was the biggest show of emotion of the day.

China's Premier Wen Jiabao then approached the podium to deliver his annual report. Stirring oratory has played its part in Chinese history. But it appears to have no role whatsoever in communist politics.

In the Chinese Communist Party, the ideal speech is jammed with tinder-dry statistics and delivered in a solid monotone, in the manner of an earnest student delivering the results of a science project.

For more than two hours, Mr Wen read from the text of his speech. Members of parliament each had copies of the speech in front of them. When Mr Wen turned the page, there was a huge whooshing sound in the hall, as everyone in the audience did the same.

Following every single word of a two-hour speech was too much for some delegates. We saw many with their heads nodding forward and their eyes shut. In their defence, perhaps they had their eyes closed in order to focus all that much more on the speech.

This annual session of parliament goes on for eight and a half days. Don't expect any great arguments or debates. That's not how the National People's Congress works.

By and large, the delegates to China's parliament have come to Beijing to approve decisions already taken by the government.

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