This, Messrs Kelly and Brown and Cameron and Clegg all agreed, must mark the end of the MPs' expenses saga. It might not prove that easy.
Today's recommendations by the Kelly inquiry are just that - recommendations. Before becoming law they must be adopted by the new Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (IPSA) - not yet in existence - which must by law first hold a public consultation.
Despite being told by their leaders and the Speaker not to resist reform, some MPs see this process as a last chance to smooth off the sharpest edges of the Kelly reforms, if not to see them off altogether.
Even if all today's proposals are implemented in full, transition arrangements will mean there will be two classes of MPs in the next Parliament - those still able to employ family members and claim mortgages for the next five years and newly elected MPs for whom that will be illegal.
And in the meantime, those whose behaviour has caused most public anger are still in their jobs, still being paid and still eligible for pay-offs worth tens of thousands of pounds.
All Sir Christopher Kelly could do about them today was to urge the Commons to use its existing rules to deny the worst offenders their pay-offs. That looks unlikely to happen.
So, we may be nearing the final chapter of the expenses saga but the last line has not been written yet - far from it.
A skim-read of the document just published reveals two surprises alongside confirmation of the tough new regime on second homes and employing family members.
Kelly rejects the cry of many Labour MPs that MPs should be barred from having other jobs. He also says that the new independent regulator should set MPs' pay and pensions. For those fearing that politics may become a rich man's game, this will be some comfort. To those who fear snouts in the trough, it will be a source of real concern.
The Czech Constitutional Court has not stalled let alone torpedoed the Lisbon Treaty. President Klaus - or a Czech Boris as Ken Clarke affectionately calls the maverick Eurosceptic - will also disappoint British Eurosceptics.
David Cameron says he'll tell us what his new position on Europe is later this week. It is the most important new policy announcement he may make before the next election. Simultaneously, he has to assuage the anger of those who will accuse him of betrayal by denying the people a referendum on Lisbon while spelling out how he can get some powers back from Brussels without provoking a major confrontation with the EU in the first few days of a Cameron government.
As I wrote last week, he will insist that his "cast-iron guarantee" of a referendum lasted only as long as the Lisbon Treaty was not law. He will reject the arguments of those saying he needs a referendum to give him the people's mandate to negotiate a new settlement with Europe by arguing that an election victory is mandate enough. He will promise a referendum for any future treaty change.
The referendum may be his political problem but his real problem is developing a negotiating strategy which does not descend into the farce of John Major's beef war; does not pretend that a repeat of Margaret Thatcher's handbagging at Fontainebleau is possible when it comes to a much more complex set of negotiations but does not persuade Eurosceptics inside the Tory party and beyond it that Cameron and Hague have "sold out", and put their desire for power before their principles.
Watch this space.
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